A Zogby poll conducted when Bush was re-elected showed American voters
actually more worried about economic justice than abortion. Specifically, when
asked to choose the most urgent moral crisis, 33 percent of voters chose ‘greed
and materialism’ and 31 percent ‘poverty and economic justice.’ Twenty percent
named abortion [1].
We’ve had no moral relief in the intervening year. More high profile businessmen
have appeared in court after looting their clients; the Senate majority leader
booked on money laundering charges; Martha Stewart, style-setter -- in and out
of jail and grinning for the cameras. Those petro giants’ profits while some
poor could not afford to buy gas; other people lined up in droves to file
bankruptcies.
A recent poll shows 49 percent thinks Congress is corrupt [2]. The official line is that the
place to find evil is in the Middle East.
Whichever way you connect this year’s dots, there is a shadow on the
land.
My point: we haven’t been ambushed. We’re not entitled to surprise. This
corruption is a slowly rising tide and plenty of time to notice, but once more,
the public just doesn’t know what to do. Largely, we just stare. So typically,
when New Orleans filled with water and FEMA did nothing, we stared, and we
watched an old pattern unfold: where there are a lot of people in crisis,
somebody will make formidable money.
We should have known it was coming.
If FEMA’s response had been swift and effective it would have looked
heroic, for both the common person and for the common good. FEMA’s inaction was
not a botch. There are deep corridors behind this.
It was close to what Ayn Rand’s disciples have in mind, and I believe
there are plenty of Rand’s disciples in places of high influence.
Ayn Rand’s ideology, powerful since the 1940s, denies the common good.
It actually prescribes not helping. In particular, selfishness and greed are
virtues, altruism is a vice.
You laugh: that’s a stretch, nobody reads Rand anymore. Actually Rand’s
ideology, an elaboration of the Nietzschean superman ethic which was carried in
two novels, The Fountainhead and Atlas Shrugged and two books of essays [3] is still selling very well; one biographer estimates that after 50
years, Ayn Rand’s books and those of her followers are still printed worldwide
at 400,000 copies a year [4] --
and I am guessing there are dog-eared copies on many American baby-boomer’s
bookshelves.
While she was alive and touring, Rand’s oratory was persistently
confrontational. She was restlessly negative and she did everything she could
to hoist herself up to position of philosopher and authority, to establish her
dogma. In practice she was a humorless bully, and she browbeat her students.
Philosophers largely rejected her published harangues, but she did attain
status as an ideologue of the era.
Rand’s toxic ideas of the good life, and how businesses should be
conducted, are more than popular: they saturate upper business echelons. Alan
Greenspan was a personal student of Rand’s; he contributed three of the essays
to her Capitalism [5]. The Reagan administration was
largely Randian [6]. And her
values, expanded in derivatives such as Ringer’s popular Looking Out For Number One and Winning
Through Intimidation were catalysts for the ‘me’ generation of the 1970s
and 80s. They continue to spread.
The trademark arrogance in her ideas (and personally Rand always insisted on everything) also animates
her novels’ protagonists. They were heroes who were no-holds-barred productive,
and who were arrogance incarnate. Rand rewrote Nietzsche’s point that very
successful people, the very strong, are categorically different from the rest
of us. They are above public morality. Rand also insisted on no compromises,
because compromise betrays weakness [7].
She argued for a return to the 1890s Golden Age style of business,
monopolies run on personal will power, in which great fortunes were made,
partly through inhumane exploitation of immigrants and the poor.
The dark side of business is nothing new, but in Rand’s utopia there was
nothing wrong with letting the laggards perish. Rand was also a Social
Darwinist. Social Darwinism was a robber baron-era philosophy which held that
evolutionary pressures -- natural selection -- apply to humans. It held that
you actually help the nation along by permitting the weak to fall by the
wayside: thus welfare is a mistake because it interferes with nature’s way of
weeding out the unfit. Absolute laissez-faire was Rand’s ideal -- no government
constraint on business and no assistance to the poor, only glorious liberty to
be as selfish as you want. This, she said, is also rational.
One of her novel’s heroes stated that a nation’s morality is its money.
That was a silly thing to say; but modern Libertarians embrace these points,
and many young readers still find her message uplifting.
My second point: if you tried to overlay the administration’s
post-Katrina actions on Ayn Rand’s dogma, the fit would be snug.
In the days after hurricane Katrina folded death and despair into the
doorways of New Orleans, the Wall Street
Journal blithely ran a front page interview with a member of the city’s
moneyed elite, whose house was largely spared, being on higher ground. Sipping
a highball he told the reporter that after the worst was over he and his
neighbors had plans for New Orleans to be rebuilt differently. New Orleans had
a teeming underclass; and this Great Gatsby character was going to change all
that. What local African American leaders fear now is that the moneyed elite
plan a rebuilding which shifts the political base by largely excluding the poor
and blacks [8].
We all read the news. The tectonic divide between American rich and poor
grows. American poverty is up [9], American hunger is up [10], more and more ordinary people
are deeply in debt; and the nation itself is deeper than ever in deficit.
Trust is fading year by year [11]. Sun Tzu’s The Art of War is required reading in many corporate boardrooms.
Citizens everywhere continue to buy guns.
In many quarters it appears the rich are disinterested in any but the
rich. Whatever happened to the concept of the common good?
This is the threat: Without a focus on people helping one another, for
the common good, it may be difficult to prevent a gradual decay into a war of
all against all. But Ayn Rand’s propaganda -- and she insisted her ideology was
propaganda [12] -- dismantles
the common good. In Rand’s utopia, the good people are brass-knuckled
individualists who are never interested in anything average; they despised the
weak. The powerful are in splendid position to loot lesser people, and this
never offended Social Darwinism.
So we read the news, and wonder: is the official policy in New Orleans a
war on the poor?
I am saying there is nothing here that could not be predicted. This past
year’s events in New Orleans are a legacy of sorts. We are where Rand in the
1960s wanted us to go. The concept of the common good has all but disappeared.
This, I believe, goes hand in hand with the nation’s ebbing morality -- the
common factor is a decline in altruism, which Rand actually insisted was
incompatible with freedom [13]
and destructive to civilization.
Pick that copy of Rand’s The Virtue of Selfishness off your bookshelf
and glance through it:
“It is only on the basis of selfishness . . . that men
can live together in. . . . society.” [p. 32]
Something out of a bad dream.
Ayn Rand is not with us any more, but the ideological boulders she
pushed down from her heights are still falling; in fact they are gathering.
Public corruption is getting worse.
After decades of “looking out for number one,” it is not surprising the
left wing has been brought to a collapsing halt. It stands ideologically naked.
Now in policy making, and now in business, Liberty exalts; Equality hides her
face.
Social Darwinism is rising again. It is poisonously inegalitarian; it is
a frontal threat to democracy. But we have heard so much, and with such
insistence, that we have become cowed. We have become like dogs that bite the
stones thrown at us, not the thrower.
In conversations with right-wing business people, I hear the same
timbre: this insistence. Liberals,
unfortunately, sound different. From them I hear a kind of thin and
sophisticated despair, a hope that somehow this will all be humanized. But that
is not enough to halt corruption.
There was no Ayn Rand of the left. So what are we supposed to be doing,
and which direction to start?
As grim as Rand’s rants were, she reminded us ideas are everything.
The first order is awakening, a raising of consciousness and a
reclaiming of our positions. Policy makers will hear us if we also start
insisting.
Our values are not abandoned. Nor is reason. We can still watch for
justice, pick up our concerns over greed and materialism which were dropped
after the ‘60s. We should reclaim these basics: What is isn't the same as what
is right. Might still does not make right. Selfishness is still a vice.
Corruption is still wrong. Democracy is still precious. The common good exists.
Stand up. Bring it up.
Explain: We want our morality back.
Notes
1. “American
voters say urgent moral issues are peace, poverty and greed,” The National Catholic Peace Movement -- Zogby International, 11/12/2004.
2. “Poll:
-- Half believe Congress is dirty” CNN.com 1/3/2006.
3. Rand, A. Capitalism: the unknown ideal.
New York: Signet Books, 1946 and The
virtue of selfishness. New York: Signet Books,
1961.
4. Walker, J. The Ayn Rand cult.
Chicago, Ill. Open Court. 1999.
5. Rand, A. Capitalism: the unknown ideal.
New York, Signet Books, 1946.
6. Walker, The Ayn Rand cult.
7. Rand, The virtue of selfishness, p.
68.
8. Cooper, C. “Old-line families escape worst
of flood and plot the future.” Wall Street Journal. A1. 9/8/05.
9. Havemann, J., and Alonso-Valdevar, R. “US
poverty rate rises again in 2004.” Los
Angeles Times 31 August 2005 p. A 13. This article reports some recent US
Census Bureau statistics, and other sources.
10. Nord, M., Andrtews, M., Carlson, S. Household Food Security in the United States, 2004. United States
Department of Agriculture report ERS-ERR-11, October 2005.
11. Lane, R.E. The loss of happiness in market democracies. 2000.
New Haven: Yale University Press.
12. Walker, The Ayn Rand
cult. p. 288.
13. Rand, The virtue of
selfishness. p. 94.
Julian Edney teaches college in Los Angeles. He
can be contacted through his website.